Behind
the heavy oak doors of the second floor club room the incessant
click/clack of the telegraph was feeding a mounting panic. That
morning – Wednesday, 26 June, 1894 - the secretary of the General
Managers Association (G.M.A.) dutifully noted each catastrophe as it
was reported over the wires. The strike quickly spread to Missouri, New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, Nevada,
California, Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and North Dakota. But the epicenter was in Chicago.
“A.T.& S.F. (Atchison, Topeka
and Santa Fe) switching engineers, firemen, switch men and foremen
in Chicago...went out at midnight....Kansas City switch men refuse
this morning to handle Pullman cars. Switch Men...operators and shop
men in New Mexico, gone out. Chicago & Alton —No demonstration
as yet. Chicago & Erie....the tower man was badly injured by the
mob...Chicago and Eastern Illinois, No men refused to work as yet.”
The two words hung in the air, inspiring even more paranoia; as yet.
Built
by railroads to service their passengers, the olive tinted sandstone
of the Grand Pacific Hotel projected solidity and permanence. But
after only 21 years, modern plumbing and electricity were already
driving the six story edifice to obsolesce. In a year it would be
torn down, to rise again at half its size but higher. And today's hysteria in
the club room was just another indication of the failure of “Gilded
Age” money men to hold back progress and social change. Still they held onto power because each day they did put money in their already filled pockets.
Like
spiders feeling their web, reporters eagerly waited at head of the
grand staircase, should the managers of the 24 railroads servicing
Chicago release a joint announcement. But despite the constant
stream of messengers coming and going from the club room, the General
Managers were too experienced to show the outside world any blatant
joint action, for fear of exposing themselves to the three year old
Sherman Anti-Trust act, choosing instead to exercise their power in a
shadow play.
The
G.M.A. was created by the owners – with congressional approval -
in 1872 to solve the “time problem” Every city was it's own time
zone, which made coherent schedules almost impossible. Ten years
later the G.M.A. had created the four national time zones - Eastern,
Central, Mountain and Pacific.
Now, under the expert leadership of
ex-Confederate Colonel Henry Stevens Haines, the “Chicago scale”
set wages and working practices for the entire railroad industry. The G.M.A. now represented
12 railroads with 40,000 miles of track, 221,000 employees - 25% of all railroad workers nationwide - with net earnings, as of 30 June, 1894, of $102, 710.00. Such trusts were now illegal, but the unspoken Chicago G.M.A. agreement kept wages low, hours long and working conditions dangerous. They also black listed any workers who agitated for better working conditions or higher wages.
12 railroads with 40,000 miles of track, 221,000 employees - 25% of all railroad workers nationwide - with net earnings, as of 30 June, 1894, of $102, 710.00. Such trusts were now illegal, but the unspoken Chicago G.M.A. agreement kept wages low, hours long and working conditions dangerous. They also black listed any workers who agitated for better working conditions or higher wages.
When the
switch men refused to open the gates at the Grand Crossing on 25
June, the men were immediately fired, as were any others who
supported the Pullman boycott. The American Railway Union promised to
assist any fired man, and negotiate to get their jobs back. The press
was even sympathetic. Eugene V. Debs told the nation and warned his union members, “We
shall not attempt to cut Pullman cars out of trains, but we shall do
all in our power to prevent them from being placed in trains...We do
not intend to resort to violence under any circumstances, and if
violence is attempted again the property of any railroad company we
will send our own men to protect that property....we shall do all in
our power to peaceably prevent the running of Pullman sleepers." But the G.M.A. had adopted a plan to destroy
the union.
On
Friday, 22 June, 1894, even before the ARU and the Switchmen's
association decided to support the Pullman strikers, the G.M.A. met
with managers of the Pullman Company and jointly decided it was
“...the lawful, rightful and duty of....railway companies....to
resist...” the Pullman boycott, and to “...act unitedly.”
They had decided on a two step policy.
Step
one was for the obstinate and inflammatory George Pullman to
abandoned his Chicago mansion and retreat to his new summer mansion,
“Castle Rest”, half a mile offshore in middle of the St.
Lawrence River.
The press fished around “Pullman Island” for
weeks but their lines were only tease when the Sleeper King whispered
that he was “...too tired to talk.” That did not sound too
obstinate or inflammatory – unless you had been forced into poverty
by the man.
More
to the point, the General Managers Association decided to attach mail
and Pullman cars to as many trains as they could, no matter how short
their run. Thus, when the unions refused to move Pullman equipment
they were also refusing to move the United States Mail. And that gave
the federal government an excuse to get involved in the strike, on
the railroad's side. And Democratic President Grover Cleveland's
Attorney General needed little encouragement.
At
59 years of age, Bostonian Richard Oleny (above) was just the latest in a
long line of railroad lawyer/ politicians going back to Abraham
Lincoln, who made his financial and political fortunes representing the Illinois
Central Railroad. Forty years later Mr. Oleny was paid $8,000 a year as AG in
Cleveland's second term, but Oleny's yearly retainer from the
Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad was $10,000. The C.B. &
C. also hosted the General Managers Association in their
headquarters at the Grand Pacific Hotel.
The man Oleny supposedly worked for, Stephen Grover Cleveland, was the first Democratic President since the Civil War. He won the popular vote again in 1885 but was defeated by Republican manipulation of the Electoral College. Cleveland's rematch victory in 1892 depended upon a new coalition between the solid racist "Jim Crow" south - who, in the words of Alabama Senator John T. Morgan, "I hate the ground that man (Cleveland) walks on" - and the growing industrial working class voters in the northern states. However Oleny had no doubt which was the most favored member of that coalition.
Oleny
quickly dispatched 5,000 “special” federal marshals to Chicago
and other hot spots across the nation “to protect railroad
traffic”.
More
significantly, as he had done in April against Coxey's army, Olney
sought a broad injunction to prevent union officials from “compelling
or inducing” any railroad employees “to refuse to preform any of
their duties”. This injunction was granted by federal judge Peter
Stenger Grosscup (below) , who owed his federal seat on the Northern District
of Illinois to the influence of none other than George Pullman.
And
Grosscup's (above) ruling, granted five days after the start of the boycott,
on Tuesday, 3 July, 1894, even prohibited union officers, such as
reluctant rebel Eugene Debs, from all communications with his
members. Even Deb's telegrams urging his members to avoid all
violence were prohibited. The New York Times accurately described
Grosscup's ruling as a “Gatling gun” of an injunction.
The
Chicago police could not be counted upon to provide the spark needed
to create the images the G.M.A. wanted. The police officers of Grand
Crossing had contributed $400 of their own money to help feed the
starving Pullman strikers. They would enforce the law, but they were
not going to turn a blind eye to violent acts committed by railroad agents which would be used to implicate
the strikers.
That was why the Special Federal Marshals had been
brought in. They did not know the locals. They had no idea who the
local troublemakers were, or the local peacemakers.
It
was a playbook that would be used again in the summer of 2020, when once again the wealthy sought to portray a largely peaceful protest
as a violent anarchy. In the summer of 1894 the ruling class had already picked their enemy, who they would blame these strikes on - not the Sleeper King, George Pullman, but the founder of the American Railway Union, Eugene Debs.